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user:zeman:interset:brainstorming [2007/10/03 17:48] zeman Jinak. |
user:zeman:interset:brainstorming [2007/10/03 18:00] zeman нечии |
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==== reflex ==== | ==== reflex ==== | ||
* Attribute of referencing (pronomial) nouns and adjectives. Means reflexive reference to itself. Does not apply to numerals and adverbs. Czech examples: sebe, se, sobě, si, sebou (personal), svůj (possessive), | * Attribute of referencing (pronomial) nouns and adjectives. Means reflexive reference to itself. Does not apply to numerals and adverbs. Czech examples: sebe, se, sobě, si, sebou (personal), svůj (possessive), | ||
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==== definiteness ==== | ==== definiteness ==== | ||
- | Bulgarian seems to be the reason why we need to separate the lexical definiteness (or demonstrativeness) from the morphological one. Most Bulgarian nouns, adjectives and pronouns allow for suffixes (-at, -ta, -to, -te) that change the default indefinite word forms to definite ones. Even indefinite pronouns (lexical definiteness = indefinite) can distinguish the two states. Thus, we have lexically indefinite morphologically indefinite word forms (нещо, едно), and lexically indefinite morphologically definite word forms (едната, | + | Bulgarian seems to be the reason why we need to separate the lexical definiteness (or demonstrativeness) from the morphological one. Most Bulgarian nouns, adjectives and pronouns allow for suffixes (-at, -ta, -to, -te) that change the default indefinite word forms to definite ones. Even indefinite pronouns (lexical definiteness = indefinite) can distinguish the two states. Thus, we have lexically indefinite morphologically indefinite word forms (нещо, едно), and lexically indefinite morphologically definite word forms (едната, |
On the other hand, definiteness is not the same as demonstrativeness. Although I currently do not have an example of a demonstrative that is clearly morphologically indefinite, and although most demonstratives are semantically definite, there are demonstratives that describe the referee without necessarily having one particular (definite) in mind. Example: Czech demonstrative pronouns takový (such), týž, tentýž (same as). | On the other hand, definiteness is not the same as demonstrativeness. Although I currently do not have an example of a demonstrative that is clearly morphologically indefinite, and although most demonstratives are semantically definite, there are demonstratives that describe the referee without necessarily having one particular (definite) in mind. Example: Czech demonstrative pronouns takový (such), týž, tentýž (same as). |